FIVE PRINCIPLES OF THE PEOPLE

Towards the Restoration of the Republic

The Decline of the Republic

“Once more unto the breach, dear friends, once more; or close up the wall with our English dead.”

-King Henry V, Henry V, William Shakespeare

The decline of western civilization, but particularly the decline of the United States—which began culturally but has since shifted to affect all aspects of social, economic and political life—can largely be distilled down to three primary causes, which have over the course of the first quarter of the 21st century degraded our political institutions, poisoned the well of our cultural consensus and social unity, depressed the material and spiritual conditions of the working class, and dealt untold damage to the notion of combined American patriotism.

The first of these is racialism, which is important to distinguish from mere racism. Racialism is not merely racism as an action, nor institutional mechanisms built on racist intent. Racialism is the ideological worldview from which these things stem, it is the belief in inherent biological races at all. This is America’s original sin—in the past, it created untold suffering and degradation of millions through slavery, segregation, and indeed racialized state and economic policies and covert operations continuing well into the 90s and even the 2000s. Many on the right and left alike will be keen to retort to this with the sentiment that they are not racists, and that they thus cannot be “part of the problem”, as it were, but this is a flawed view. Indeed, even many liberals today view immutable characteristics such as race as being intrinsic differentiated camps, eternally dysfunctional to one another, in constant conflict with one another and requiring constant mediation from the state to balance their interests and enforce some vague notion of equity, lest there be race riots. This is, of course, an utter falsehood—while racial mechanisms of oppression certainly exist into the present day, the reality of the matter is that the ruling capitalist elite of the United States realized long ago that exploiting the labor of a wide, multiracial proletarian underclass was much more advantageous than restricting the most severe forms of this exploitation to African Americans, who are, in actuality even today, a small minority, barely over a tenth of the population. Thus, racialism is preserved largely in the “culture war” politics of both the left and right alike, in which historical and present-day tensions between ethnic forces in the United States are exploited by opportunistic politicians, media talking-heads, and increasingly, internet political influencers. Leftist and rightist alike, even those who claim not to be racist, enable racialism through the way these issues are framed, in casting the American people as divided into tribalistic camps based on skin tone, rather than a collective national whole. This poisons civil discourse in the United States, and collapses societal cohesion; from the beginning, the notion of biological race was a lie, a lie with very real consequences in very real systems of oppression, but nevertheless a lie, one invented to justify an economic convenience to the Spanish and English plantation classes. Instead of being taught this truth in school, children are taught that certain people are born with historical guilt, and other people born with historical grievances or a debt owed to them. This will create disastrous systems and cultural attitudes in the near future unless we dismantle the notion of biological race—finally—from not just a scientific angle, which has already occurred and been thorough, but from a cultural one as well. Racialism is a tool of class domination—it is designed to keep the proletarian man embittered with his neighbor and tribalistic to his skin color, unable to unify with his class and his national community.

The second major cause accelerating the decline of our Republic is the division systematically engendered in society by the political parties. In other western liberal democracies, such as those in Europe, this is also becoming increasingly evident, but here in America it’s a profound and frankly existential strain on our system, going back to Washington’s own warnings about them. The Democratic and Republican party apparatuses, which are deeply entrenched in the mechanisms of state, bureaucracy, and intelligence may have once borne some similarity to one another, but over the years have gradually drifted apart with the widening of the Overton Window into cartoonish versions of their former selves. The average Democrat and Republican voter alike will, every four years, travel to his nearest polling station to vote for policies that, just two decades ago, his counterpart then would have found abhorrent. This division is not organic—it is exacerbated and exploited by mass media, and it is profitable to both the political elite in Washington and the lobbyist class who prop them up. If one wants to understand the intention behind a state of affairs, look at its consequences, and the consequences of this in America are extremely lucid: if the masses are consistently at existential struggle with “the other side” over primarily cultural or moral issues, this division itself will prop up the neoliberal system; it allows for the ruling elite to channel social unrest and discontent from the proletariat primarily towards one another, and not towards the actual systemic mechanisms that cause social and economic decay. In recent election cycles in particular, which seem to be growing in their tension with each passing term, this has manifested as persistent social unrest—but this social unrest almost never actually leads to any kind of real, constructive change. Consider the Black Lives Matter protests and riots of 2020; rioting damage primarily impacted low-income, African American neighborhoods, the very communities those rioting claimed to be acting on behalf of. Many small businesses in these communities, already struggling to get by, never recovered from the combination of the COVID-19 Pandemic and the damages to their businesses, and thus never re-opened. Do not be mistaken; this is a real world consequence of this division. Both the Biden and Trump campaigns alike during that cycle profited immensely from this social decohesion. Furthermore, this continued in late 2023 and early 2024, and indeed even now into 2025—we have again seen protests in the United States, often spiraling into riots or terror attacks, however this time from an anti-Zionist slant as a response to the ongoing Israeli campaign in Gaza. When these incidents did turn to riots, they, once again, largely predominantly impacted low-income communities, or more laughably, devolved into loitering and vandalism on college campuses. Not only did this do nothing to advance the cause of Palestinian people, much of which does deserve legitimate attention, but it in many ways poisoned the cultural well against it—such actions undermine genuine humanitarian concerns in Gaza, conflating them with ideological radicalism or apologetics for Islamic extremism, and poisons the well for much of the public on this issue. Furthermore, many of the Leftists actors in these incidents who tout themselves as revolutionaries are actually just performing service for the very bourgeois elite they claim to fight by engaging in pointless, goalless, meaningless activism over a far-off foreign conflict. This political and social division is exploited by the liberal capitalist elite in the United States, and it assists them in preserving their own socio-economic position. Like racialism, the culture war and the struggle between the political parties for control over “The Narrative” keeps the working class divided and their discontent channeled at one another. If social discourse remains a contest of tribal passions, and does not return to a forum for national renewal and advancement, the Republic will continue to erode from within.

The last of the three greatest factors influencing our Republic’s decline is, naturally, the class struggle—an issue interwoven deeply into the other two causes. Liberal capitalism degrades the proletarian working class on two critical axes: material and spiritual. The worker is broken down into a number, and is expected to enslave themself to debt and to exploitative wages. They are then extracted for every cent the liberal state can possibly squeeze out of them (despite the fact that most of the state’s expenses are covered by extreme borrowing practices), shackled through taxation, through the practices of insurance companies, through creditors, through student loans, through usury, and as a consequence of this naturally most workers are confined to their station for many long hours, with little time to pursue personal prosperity. No one can be expected to find fulfillment in themselves, and thus be capable of extending outward and forming proper socialization, a group of friends, find a partner—if they can barely provide for their own interests and livelihood. All the while, as a growing majority of this country continues to just barely get by, with some 6 in 10 Americans living paycheck to paycheck, the politician, the bureaucrat, the lobbyist and the industrial and media moguls continue to get richer and richer, driving the wealth gap to such an extreme disparity that no one could possibly be expected to be afforded any kind of social mobility—to the point that when such a “rags-to-riches” story does occur, it is viewed as an extreme outlier, fueled by unimaginable luck, or more condescendingly, “just working harder”. It should be no surprise that the “Middle Class” of old is gradually withering away and deteriorating, as more and more Americans who are born into theoretically well-off conditions are unable to replicate for themselves the economic circumstances of their parents, and thus descend down the class ladder. This is even further exacerbated and amplified by the crisis of family in the United States, in which the nuclear family has gradually eroded away—with now most American children growing up in a single parent home. These social and economic conditions create a world in which tens of millions of Americans grow up isolated, atomized, lacking proper guidance and socialization, and without opportunity for personal development, and thus it should be no surprise that the west now shows signs of not just deep economic entropy, but cultural decay. The connected nature of this material and spiritual decay is one of the most important problems facing the young generations of today, and without resolving first the material, you cannot resolve the abstract.

In Pursuit of a New Vision

“It is not our part to master all the tides of the world, but to do what is in us for the succor of those years wherein we are set, uprooting the evil in the field that we know, so that those who live after may have clean earth to till.”

-J.R.R. Tolkien, The Silmarillion

When one comes to the conclusion that a state of affairs is beyond resolution, it becomes necessary to pursue action and formulate a solution. Many today who consider themselves “revolutionary”, whether on the left or right, may understand some or even all of the three great crises facing American society, but they lack a truly constructive vision for what is to come after, and in many cases, hungers only for revolutionary violence for its own sake. Further, the ideological foundations of the various strains of Marxism on the left and the various identitarian nationalist factions on the right are all, in some way, fundamentally broken and anti-human, and would, if given the reins of state, either perpetrate the very mechanisms of oppression and division used to uphold Liberalism, or worse, would build something even more monstrous in its wake—see the modern admirers for Stalin’s Soviet Union and Hitler’s Germany. The solution, then, becomes clear—ideology must be reassessed, and centered around what is truly ethical, truly moral, and grounded in the advancement of mankind’s material and spiritual conditions. I have thus distilled these Five Principles of the People down, and they are designed to serve as the philosophical bedrock for my future political writing and other work. Each one of these points will get a longer essay to itself, going into my in-depth thoughts on the subject, but here they act as quick bullet points to reference.

Nationalism

The nation is a collective historic project, and nowhere is this more true than here in the United States. Our country is not the deed of any one tribe of people, any one creed or faith, but of the tireless work of hundreds of millions who gave their labor, their blood, their loyalty and their lives to further the advancement of a great virtuous Republic which they would never see the end of. Our duty, then, is to restore this Republic, and to construct it by which all Americans who participate to further it enjoy prosperity and be valued as part of the national community.

Syndicalism

Syndicalism represents one of the greatest and most progressive evolutions for the quality of mankind’s economic life in all history. Despite its origins in the 19th and early 20th centuries, its philosophy and its economic construction has aged remarkably well into the modern day. While many labor unions today in America remain compromised by the interests of the lobbyist class, or less savory elements of organized crime, there is nevertheless a genuine potential for organic labor syndicates, built parallel to these organizations and constructed genuinely, grassroots, by the workers themselves, to serve as a great vehicle for the advancement of the proletariat. There need not be a violent, insurrectionary revolution—one which not only would do untold damage not just to human lives but to the soul of the nation itself, and would likely lead to defeat and further oppression—if the revolution can be economic and cultural. The goal should not be to burn everything down, but to restore and build anew. I believe that the genuine threat of general strike in the US would give the Syndical faction more than enough leverage to pursue drastic reform to the Republic. All large corporations over a certain number of employees, likely two to three hundred, should be nationalized and placed under the control of their Syndical pods. Small business enterprise and market forces operate best when aggressive monopolies are heavily safeguarded against.

Republicanism

The framework of a civil state must be preserved and central to the cause. Many revolutionary movements throughout history, even if accurately diagnosing the flaws of their system, were quick to fall into dictatorship, mob rule, and internal conflagration. The revolution must be prepared to not destroy the Republic, not to rise up against it, but to restore its institutions. This is envisioned as a revision of the constitution itself, adapting it for modern conditions without abandoning its original spirit. Inspiration for this system of affairs largely comes from classical modes of governance, such as the Roman Republic, and past Syndicalist philosophy. The Executive Branch would be revised, there would no longer be a single President, but rather two Consuls who serve for a year each, and then cannot serve again for ten years. The Senate would be preserved largely intact, although adjusted to include term limits, and they would gain the privilege of appointing Consulships. The House of Representatives should be revised, and transformed into a House of Syndicates, a massive chamber in which all labor interests from all possible sectors and geographies are represented directly, electing from among their trade unions’ membership. This, I believe, is the most direct way possible to represent the working class interest in the mechanisms of state. Every American will be given Syndical membership—pensioners, industrial workers, teachers, students, medical professionals, agricultural workers, stay at home parents—everyone, based on geographic location and occupation, and this will influence their ballot choices for the House of Syndicates. Nominations should be selected by internal vote from the Syndicates themselves. The Supreme Court would be kept intact as is, with a 10 year, one time term limit for adjustment. The federal bureaucracy must also be reined in, and made subservient to the interests of the people. An independent advisory committee should be established, nominated by the Consuls at the beginning of their term and confirmed by the Senate, whose purpose is to rigorously audit the activities and spending of the federal bureaucracy, and to root out corruption. Those who serve on this body will not have held any past political or bureaucratic positions, and cannot hold any thereafter. This new system of statecraft, I believe, creates an ethical Republic, one in which the state truly reflects the interests of all its component parts.

The People’s Livelihood

Since mankind first emerged from natural, pastoral lifestyle and settled in the cities, the emergent concept of a State was the logical result of our desire to stave off the entropic chaos of nature, and pursue stability and community with one another. The State does not exist merely, then, to drive out external threats, but to provide for the stability and welfare of its people, for without the participation of the working class, the State would cease in its function. The relationship must be symbiotic, whereas in the present day, the Liberal state has forgotten its own doctrine of social contract and seeks merely to parasitize. It is a moral imperative—a duty to our fellow human and fellow citizen—that the State must provide for the common welfare of all, and to provide access to fundamental rights such as healthcare, education and housing. This principle cannot be compromised upon, for even when so-called “progressives” advocate for reform in these aspects, their measures are half-hearted and often designed to serve the ambitions of the few rather than the welfare of the many.

Futurism

Futurism is a word that has multiple definitions—ranging from speculative science and space colonialism to the Italian artistic movement of the early 1900s, but underpinning all of these different ideas and movements is the primordial, deeply sacred drive embedded in all people to reach to new heights, and to go where no one has gone before; to advance ever forward, to wake up tomorrow in a world made better by things done today. This, then, should serve as the ultimate goal for the long-term development of the American civilization. We must reach out for the stars, and pursue the advancement of mankind to worlds not yet touched by life. We must return to the Moon, and then hoist our banner on Martian soil. We must press on to Europa, to Ganymede and Enceladus; onward, to Triton, to Oberon and Titan—for this is mankind’s destiny, appointed to him by God, to press on and advance civilization to the stellar theatre, not because it is easy, but because it is the greatest task facing him yet.

Conclusion: For Those Who Come After

These Five Principles of the People, grounded in the lessons of history and animated by a burning vision and passion for the future of our nation are not merely offered as critique, but as a constructive foundation by which a renewed Republic may rise. Our time is brief, and history is watching, but we yet still have a chance to build what may endure beyond our own lifetimes.